In memory of Paramount Chief Enosa Laki Yona. In this video the lead Singers are Elder Yuggu Lumayat Ngayigga clan, Elder Lugga Bilari Kokoja Nyömuding clan, Elder John Yuani Wande clan. Others Elder Karlong Gobur clan, Elder Bagazi Lori Malari clan, Elder Angör Jala Clan and Many other Pojulu revolutionary Soloist and dramatist.

MESSAGE OF CONDOLENCE ON THE DEATH OF HON. ELIABA JAMES SURUR

Date: - 20^th, August 2014

The Family of Eliaba James Surur

Rock City –Juba

SUBJECT: - MESSAGE OF CONDOLENCE ON THE DEATH OF HON. ELIABA JAMES SURUR

We the family of late Aggrey Jaden Lo Wani  wish to express our sincere and heartfelt condolences on the death of our patriarch and father  figure Eliaba James Surur.

When Aggrey Jaden decided that he was no longer interested in participating in politics he endorsed the candidate of the late Eliaba James Surur who stepped in and was elected the MP of YEI/LAINYA.

We learnt of his death with profound sadness and sorrow.  The late Eliaba James Surur was to us a father figure who stepped in after our own father’s death.  He acted as a father when our sister was getting married in Khartoum and he also mentored our late brother Richard Latio Lo Jaden in politics and assigned him tasks during the SPLA mobilization in Central Equatoria State, indeed the late Richard passed on when in the house of late Eliaba James Surur.

The late will be remembered as the rock of politics in Pojulu Community and the connection between the past history of the Community and the present; we fondly remember his role during Anya Anya movement, during the time of the executive Council and in the era of the SPLA/M.

Yaba Eliaba James Surur please inform our father and other martyrs of the Pojulu Community and the whole South Sudan that we are now free of Arab colonial and we are struggling to build our new Country.

May the almighty God rest his soul in eternal peace and give courage to the family in this trying moments of grieve.

You will be in our memory forever.    Ecclesiastes Chapter 3 Vs 1 for everything there is time and time for every purpose under heaven a time to be born and a time to die. God gives and takes may his name be praised.

…………………………………………………………           …………………………………………………….

Sunday Aggrey Jaden                                           Peter Lado Lo Jaden

On behalf of the late Aggrey Jaden Family                              

Location of Pojulu and The characteristics the Pojulu:

By Brandon Logalla

As quoted wholesomely by Jacob K. Lupai in his published article, the Pojulu are predominantly in Lainya County which borders Juba County in the North, Yei County in the South, Morobo County in the South East, Kajo Keji County in the East and Mundri County in the West. In the celebrations of the birth of the new nation, the Republic of South Sudan, Hon Thomas Wani Kundu of the SSLA elaborated on the history of the Pojulu with highlights on their characteristics. The Pojulu are frank and straight forward and this could also be seen from their lead participation in the struggle, Hon Thomas elaborated. The Pojulu are prudent and tend to avoid something that may bring shame and like any sensible person, the Pojulu dread humiliation. Politically a Pojulu does not run after favorus for personal gains because the Pojulu value their dignity and self-esteem above anything else although some unprincipled ones may do. Typical example of a Pojulu with principles is that of Aggrey Jaden who led the life of simplicity until the end even though he could have approached and begged others for alms or favorus as some might have done and lived the life of glamour.

A Pojulu is self-reliant and could be individualistic, a characteristic that might be seen as the Pojulu were too selfish but not really. However, the Pojulu are sociable and have confidence to mix freely with other ethnic groups but can not be taken for granted as they can easily part ways with people who are nuisance and unreliable. Because of their sociable nature, the Pojulu hardly consider anybody in their midst an alien even though such a person may be outside the Pojulu ethnic group. In religion the Pojulu subscribe to the belief in the one Almighty God and in ancestral spirits to intercede on their behalf.

Generally the Pojulu are friendly and peaceful as opposed to being aggressive, and this has been shown by the absence of fights with neighbours in the adjoining counties. However, provoking a conflict may not go unchallenged because when a Pojulu takes decision, they are efficient in implementation and so precisely. In all, the Pojulu are creative and industrious, and have a taste for business. They are hard working and wouldn't like to appear a laughing stock.

Never mind people, this may be a long writing to read but it is the reality. How happy we are to have been born into the Pojulu family !!

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Renowned historian offers insight on demands for federalism in S. Sudan

July 9, 2014 (JUBA) – Douglas Johnson, a veteran historian and author who has worked in Sudan for nearly 50 years, said federalism meant different things in the minds of different people and leaders in the new country.

He gave a lecture on Saturday at Juba University as the debate over federalism in the country continues to grow.

In a 24-page paper entitled Federalism in the History of South Sudanese Political Thoughts, presented at the lecture, Johnson highlighted the genesis of the demands before Sudan became independent in 1956.

He briefly described the attitudes towards federalism and the ways it was presented in periods ranging from before Sudan’s independence in 1956 up through South Sudan’s independence today which was achieved through the exercise of the right of self-determination.

DEMANDS FOR FEDERALISM

In his presentation, Johnson referred to historical documented statements by various southern leaders in regard to federalism and self-determination or separation of the South from the North.

He said the first time that the collective opinion of southern Sudanese by then was canvassed about a national political issue was at the Juba conference of 1947. The conference, he explained, was exploratory and could take no decision by itself.

The 1947 conference, he said, was about whether the Southern leadership of the educated class was willing to take part as appointed members of the legislative assembly that was being established in Khartoum. There was no mention of federalism.

It was in 1953 under the first southern party, the Liberal Party that South Sudanese demanded federalism in order to vote for independence of the Sudan and maintain its national unity, or opt for self-determination.

One of the earliest documented statements came in a petition addressed to the British governor-general and forwarded by Abdel Rahman Sule, a Muslim merchant from Juba and co-founder of the Liberal Party, in which southern Sudanese asked for federation or be administered under the trusteeship of the United Nations till such time they are able to decide on their own.

The federation was presented as the only viable path to the unity of Sudan, and self-determination for the South was also raised as the only acceptable alternative to federation.

He revealed that the earliest five southern leaders who emerged in 1953 and organisers of Liberal Party who promoted the idea of federalism were Benjamin Lwoki (president of Liberal Party), Abdel Rahman Sule (chairman of the Juba branch), Buth Diu (member of national parliament from Upper Nile), and senators Paulo Logali Wani (from Equatoria) and Stanislaus Paysama (from Bahr el Ghazal).

History also reveals they were also the ones who organised the first ever pan-southern conference of 250 delegates of chiefs and representatives from the diaspora, held in the Juba Cinema in October 1954, which debated the southern Sudan’s future in Sudan.

It was at this 1954 conference that the idea of federalism was publicly debated by a southern-wide body for the first time.

During this conference a hot debate ensued for and against federalism in which a delegate, Necodemo Gore, raised strong concerns entailing that southern Sudan was premature for federalism as it was going to be difficult to find people or finance to run a southern federation.

One of the organisers of the conference and southern representative in the house of representatives in Khartoum. However, Diu responded to the concerns, saying it was better to be free, poor and happy than being a slave, a statement which seemed to win the day.

“May I draw your attention gentlemen, chiefs, of all tribes, elders, citizens present in this house, I should like to know whether you in this house want to be slaves or it will be better for you to be poor and free and happy?” Diu was quoted as saying.

Diu also explained to the conference that it was the responsibility of the national government to work out means to support the southern federation or risk separation.

“With regard to the first part of your question, the present government must be bound to manage the federation of [the] South for fear of separation. If they cannot we can manage to separate the country. This I am quite sure the present regime has in mind. To conclude my dearest friend Mr Necodemo we are here for freedom not money,” Diu said in his remarks.

A vote was then taken and federation was passed by 227 to 0, with seven abstentions.

The idea of federalism was also developed in response to demands for self-determination and was explicitly expressed at the roundtable conference convened in Khartoum in March 1965 when Aggrey Jaden, a prominent Southern politician, returned to the principle, which he also equated with the struggle for independence.

DIFFERENT MEANINGS

Professor Johnson argued that to different leaders and citizens of South Sudan, federalism means many things. He said some may want to adopt the centralised federalism system adopted in Sudan in 1994, which he said was only theoretical as the power and wealth were still at the centre.

Others he said may fall short and establish federalism similar to a decentralised system, which gives and takes devolved powers to and from the smaller units of governance while depriving them of the resources needed for development.

Others may go for full blown constitutional federalism in all its aspects, where powers are divided between the national and state governments, while others may think it is about the division of people and dislodging others from one’s own region or state.

Johnson stressed that while the current ruling SPLM party succeeded in achieving independence through the exercise of self-determination, it did not prepare and define in advance the kind of system of government the new country should adopt.

He also lamented that the initial renewed calls for federalism were made during the drafting of the transitional constitution in 2011.

“Federalism has once again emerged as central to the discussion of how South Sudanese wish to govern themselves and live together now that they have achieved their independence. But self-determination means more than choosing independence. It also means choosing a form of self-government, and that choice has still to be made,” he said.

BANNERS PRODUCED DURING THE HISTORIC REFERENDUM

The following banners were produced during the referendum in 2005 by the AJF....

Anyanya One should be a lesson to South Sudan

By Peter Kleto Oyoyo A few years after the August 18, 1955 Torit mutiny led by the late hero Maj Gen Emedio Tafeng Odongi, Southern politicians in the personalities of the late heroes Joseph Oduho and Fr. Saturlino Ohure,Aggrey Jaden Luwani and others fled the country for Uganda. While in Kampala, Joseph Oduho and Fr. Saturlino Ohure founded the Sudan Christian Association (SCA). They moved to Kinshasha as their relations with the Obote’s regime was not going smoothly, and in the Congo, they founded the Sudan National Close Districts and were joined by William Deng Nhial from Bahr el Gazal. They returned to Kampala in 1963 and while in there, they participated in the formation of the Sudan African Nation Union (SANU) and SCA was absorbed into SANU which later under pressure by the British government accepted the publication of the Voice of Southern Sudan in London. A good number of sources indicated that the failure of SANU as a political party was caused by differences in the personalities of its leaders and its lack of foundation in the Sudan. August 19, 1963 Joseph Oduho held a meeting at his house in Kampala with a half dozen southerners including Joseph Lagu and the late Fr. Ohure. The purpose of the meeting was to form a revolution. In the course of the meeting, Fr. Ohure proposed the movement to be named the Sudan Pan-African Freedom Fighters (SPAFF). He thought this would appeal to pan-african leaders like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and others. But others at the meeting suggested for a more legitimate indigenous name that would appealed to African Southerners like the Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya or the Maji Maji in Tanzania. From the 7-14 of October, 1963, they conducted their convention at Silver Hotel in Kampala, which resulted to the election of Aggrey Jaden as president and Philip Pedak as vice-president of the would be movement. My reliable sources have informed me that Aggrey Jaden beat Oduho by only one vote. Joseph Oduho upon hearing the result decided to quit the party to forming the Azanian Liberation Front calling for southern secession from the North. One would love to know as to why a true nationalist like Joseph Oduho took such a drastic decision? No one knows the real reason but I recommend readers to consult Joseph Lagu because he was present when the election took place. The quitting of movements to form new ones by the Anyanya I leadership supported by differences in personalities in my view is part of the grand failures of the movement’s leadership to unite South Sudanese under one umbrella for a common objective. These misunderstandings were also illustrated during the entire session of the round table conference organized by the Kalifa government to address the Southern question. Unfortunately, the negotiation was being dragged down by suspicions, factional disputes and personal differences among southerners, and manipulation on the other hand by northerners. SANU was represented by two rival delegations, one inside the Sudan and the other outside in exile. The one inside was headed by William Deng Nhial who advocated for federation and unity of the Sudan, SANU outside was led by Elia Lupe, and was composed of the leaders of the Azanian Liberation Front, Fr. Saturlino Ohure, Joseph Oduho and Aggrey Jaden who had split from the SANU to form the rival Sudan African Liberation Front advocating for a complete independence of South Sudan. This proposal for a complete independence called by SANU in exile was rejected by the regime and by all of the northern political forces in Khartoum in front of the observer countries namely, Uganda, Kenya, Ghana, Tanzania, Egypt, Algeria and Nigeria. Federation could have been accepted as it was not only called by Southerners but by also the Beja people in the East and was seen by the majority of the Sudanese as the only viable strategy for the smooth running of the country. That is why the Beja Congress which calls for the federation was formed. Those who called for the total independence of the South left Khartoum to continue with their rebel activities. Aggrey Jaden as president upon returning back appointed Maj Gen Emedio Tafeng Odongi as Commander In Chief of the Anyanya forces with Lagu as its Chief of Staff. It is now clear from this stage in Sudan’s history that the call for separation of South Sudan from North was and still is not a southern making but a northern one. No south Sudanese would call for separation if all of the successive regimes were seeing them as human beings like them who deserve to be treated with due respect and dignity by giving them freedom to exercise their human rights in all types of spheres. It is also necessary at this point to remember Anyanya Ones’s main reason for waging an armed struggle against the oppressive regime in Khartoum. It is widely known by many that their main reason for waging that protracted war was almost limited to demands for job opportunities in the civil service sphere. Opportunities which were denied to them by the ruling clique in Khartoum. A case in question was the Sudanisation stage in 1955, whereby 800 jobs were Sudanised and southerners only demand for 40 positions out of the total. The result was that they got only 6. Jobs were relegated to southerners, the expulsion of Christian missionaries from south in 1962. These reasons forced the Anyanya One to call for the chapter of self-determination in their movement’s manifesto that calls for an internationally supervise referendum for the people of South Sudan to choose between unity and separation. Such war ended with an agreement in Addis Ababa in 1972 between the South Sudan Liberation Movement and the Numeiry’s government. The agreement was aborted few days from the date in which it was sign and no convincing explanation was given by the Numeiry’s government for the abrogation of the agreement. After the signing of the Addis Ababa agreement of 1972 and the establishment of regional government in South Sudan, many remnants of the Anyanya One were not satisfied with both the provisions and the implementation procedures of the agreement. A good number of Anyanya soldiers were left in limbo without job opportunities, the issue of real equal sharing of resources and wealth, the issue of true equality under the law were of important concern to the movement and to the masses of South Sudan in general. A group of dissidents, along with remnants from the Anyanya movement mutinied in Akobo and is also known as the Akobo incident of 1975. This was the emergence of a second liberation movement known as Anyanya II led by Vincent Kuany. The group left for Ethiopia in the same year to establish a military camp which came to be known as Bilpam. The group of Samuel Gai Tut and Akuot Atem followed by that of Cdrs. Gordon Koang, Gabriel Tanginya, William Abdalla Chol, Paulino Matip Nhial, and others were the leaders of the movement. Their objective was to fight for the independence of Southern Sudan. It is worth mentioning that their movement’s manifesto submitted to the Ethiopian government was rejected as it was incompatible with the government policy which articulates unity in diversity and not separation and that of Organization of African Policy which prohibited any movement that calls for the split of the country. A good number of South Sudanese were not conscious about the terms of the Addis Ababa agreement as it was not given to be owned by the people. Any agreement that is not owned by the people will not be defended by the people as John Adam’s (former American President) stated that “Liberty cannot be preserved without general knowledge among the people” (pacta sunt servanda= agreements should be kept). Thank God the SPLM/A came to the rescue of the dishonored agreement and continue with the bigger vision for the liberation of the marginalised in the whole of the Sudan instead of South Sudan alone. “Thanks to both unionists and separatists”. In conclusion, I call upon the people of South Sudan to stand tall against anything that aims to divide and corrupt us in all times. Brethren, this new nation is a father us, a mother to us, a grand parents to us, and finally a country to us. Let us all put our hands together and do what is right. No one will develop this beautiful nation apart concerned citizens in the personalities of you and I.

A SHORT BIOGRAPHY OF THE LATE AGGREY JADEN LUWANI

Biography of Late Aggrey Jaden. Aggrey Jaden was born in 1924 at Loka Round. His Clan is "Nyamuding" under Chief Elia Kundu(Now Lainya Payam). The name Jaden is not a Pojulu name. During Aggrey's birth day, there was a British Officer by the name "Jaden"; Aggrey's father Ladu Wani was working under his command as a soldier in British Army and he was a friend to Jaden's father. Due to the impact of military, there was respect at their family. For this reason, he grow up very respectful and honest boy among his brothers and sisters. One of his characteristics, he was "Extraordinary" in all aspects of life. His brothers are: Zacharia Kitabari(Father of Honorable John Zacharia), Doka, Yacobu Fibo. Aggrey was after Fibo. In 1936, 12 years after his birth, he went to Village School called "Luka Village School". That was from 1936 - 1938. He was first in his class by "Distinction" during the two years at the Village School. After that, he was admitted to "Yei Primary School". That was from 1938 - 1940. He performed well and was admitted to "Loka Intermediate School(now Loka Secondary School) up to 1944. Because of his "hard work", he was admitted to "Nabumali Secondary School" in Uganda. After completing his studies at Nabumali, he sat for Com-bridge Secondary School Certificate at the Standard of East Africa and performed well. He was then admitted to Gordon Memorial College(Now Khartoum University), College of Economics. In 1952, he graduated. He was the first "Southerner" to graduate from Gordon Memorial College. His Early Life. In 1939 according to traditions during Christmas, all Chiefs of "Yei River District"(now Yei County) were to come together for Christmas; bring with them their intelligent boys; among them Aggrey Jaden participated in reading Bible. He was able to quot verses from Acts of Apostles. He become first in reading Bible and was given (5 rolls of Cotton Cloth Dumuria). His Chief Elia Kundu was then promoted to high post among the Chiefs of Yei River Districts. His family. His wife was late Sara Reja from 'Ngihiga of Loka. He had eight children: 1. Richard Aggrey Jaden (Died buried in Kampala). 2. Dr. Alex Losuba Aggrey Jaden (At Khartoum) 3. Monica Aggrey Jaden ( At khartoum) 4. Sunday Aggrey Jaden ( At Nairobi Kenya) 5. Michael Aggrey Jaden (At USA) 6. Kennedy Agrrey Jaen ( At Juba) 7. Dr. Peter Ladu Aggrey Jaden ( At Mombasa Kenya) 8. Mamaami Baby (Deased buried in Juba) His Political Life. He started politics when he was in Gordon Memorial College. He participated in College Activities e.g Cultural Weeks and writing of "Wall Newspapers". In 1953, one year after his graduation, there was coup in Egypt by "Jamal Abdel Nasir". He over threw King Farouk of Egypt. Then a delegation travel-led from Sudan from "UMMA PARTY" lead by Abdal Al-Rahiman Al-Mahdi. From "DUP", the delegation was lead by "Ali Said Margani". Both of them were taking "Memos". UMMA was demanding full Independent of Sudan, while DUP was demanding Union with Egypt. At last, Jamal Abdel Nasir agreed to give Sudan Independent. Aggrey then started to "OPPOSE" the two mentioned parties. The reason for this was because there was no consideration for "South Sudan", no development and Northern Sudan had developed than South. He then formed a party called "South Front". The party was demanding for "Federalism System" in the whole of Sudan. By that time Southerners knew nothing about Independent of Sudan. On 19 December 1954, the Independent of Sudan was declared at the Parliament. Then Jaden presented a memo to Government of Sudan, refusing the Independent of Sudan. But the Government did not give any consideration to his memo. Jaden then "PREDICTED" for something that if the Government did not respect or consider the memo, there will be a Rebel Movement. His prediction came a reality on 18 Aug.1955; ANYANYA was formed. After his graduation, he was appointed as "Inspector" of local government at Al-Fashir(Darfur), that was in 1953. In the end of December 1955, the government sent to all INSPECTORS all over Sudan to come and attend the rising of Sudan Flag in Khartoum. Government also sent a memo to all administration to rise Sudan Flag at morning of 01-01-1956. Aggrey refused to come to Khartoum according to authorities request. At the same time, he refused to rise Sudan Flag on that day. He also absented himself from work, saying he was sick. A doctor was sent to examine him with a security personal. According to the report by the doctor, he was found not sick. The government then demoted him from post of "Inspector" to the post of "Managing Director". He was then transferred to Malakal(Renk) in 1956. At Malakal, he was discouraged from his work. For short time, he asked for holiday without pay. He then travel-led to Juba. From Juba to his father's home at Loka Round, then to Uganda. Aggrey also worked at Torit in 1954; Juba 1955. At East Africa, he established SANO PARTY, as a Political Wing and Military Wing was called Southern Sudan Liberation Movement(SSLM). When government of Aboud fall in Oct.1964, it was considered as one of bad government at that time. It used all ways against Southerners, including forcing Southerners to "ISLAM". Aboud government did not present any political pro-gramme. In 1964, government of Sir Al-Khatim declared general forgiveness for anybody who took weapons against government. It called for round table Conference in Khartoum from 16-23 March.1965.. All the political parties were called to come and attend this "Conference". In the conference, committee was formed composing of 12 Members lead by Late Benjamin Lwoki (Pojulu by tribe). He was Minister of Local Government. Recommendation of the Committee were: 1. Self government for Southern Sudan. 2. Building of University in South. 3. Construction of Schools and Hospitals in South. 4. Building of Juba Brigde. But Jaden refused all these mentioned recommendations and he demanded "Self determination for Southern Sudan". After his speech, he left the conference to assist Late William Deng and travel-led to Nairobi. William Deng was not serious as Jaden and those people (Arabs or Northerners) misled him (Deng). Jaden continue to struggle in Kenya and was appointed as Director of Railway Line in Kenya. Jaden and the Government of Jaffar Mohammed Numeri. In the year 1972, government of Jaffar Numeri and Joseph Lagu signed an Agreement. But Jaden did not participate in it(Lagu marginalized Jaden). Lagu and Numeri then planned against Aggrey by taking all his documents from his wife in Kenya. Of course Aggrey could not continue there as a Refuge, he then come back to Sudan. He arrived Khartoum and then to Juba. At Juba Airport, he put off his shoes and took "MUTUKELI" (Tyre shoes). The Government of "Abel Alier" issued a decree appointing him as "Director for Rural Development". He(Jaden) refused the Post. By refusing this post, he was "Chased out of Government House". He then build a "Shelter" at his brother's House (Yacobo Fibo). All the time he spend in Juba, he was "walking on foot". He never used car. If anybody wants to pick him by his/her car, he used to respond by saying that it was better for him to walk on foot (If you take him today who will bring him back). In Juba, he never bought anything from shops of "ARABS". He never greeted them by "HAND" or "WORD". When government of South realized that there was pressure from citizen concerning Aggrey, they sent him a cheque of Ls 25,000.00 to hotel him. But he refused that cheque. He replied or told the government, you are sending me this "Cheque", did you sent the same cheque to all "Southerners" (Owen-er of money). He told Abel and Lagu that he will die as his mother gave birth to him. Point of View from Northerners. In April 1942, the "National Movement" pointed out that: 1. South Sudan was/is part of Sudan and it can not be "SEPARATED" from Northern Sudan. 2. All the siege or closed areas should be opened. But all Northerners were asking what did Southerners want exactly. These questions have two answers:- • Either this South was/is part of Northern Sudan Land without people. For this reason, they were asking when should they give us answer. They claim that they discovered South Sudan and is responsible for all its resources. • Southern Sudan which is known at that time according to Memo given to Harot Mark, the three states were Upper Nile, Bahr El- Ghazal and Mangalla which is Equatoria. After all these opinions, Southerners did not disagree between Abdal Rahman Sule, amuslim and Stanclous a Catholic and Benjamin Lwoki a Evangelism. Aggrey Jaden died in khartoum in 1985 when he was brought for "treatment" and his body was brought for burial at Loka, his home Village. These information were compiled by SAM LAKI...